Dietmar von Aist shows a variety of purses and belts to his love interest while disguised as a peddler in the Manesse Codex, circa 1300–1320, Zürich, Heidelberg, Universitätsbibliothek, Cod. pal. Germ. 848, fol. 64 recto

A margin scene possibly portraying negotiations between a man and a prostitute in a manuscript of the Romance of Alexander, circa 1344 (Flemish), Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS 264. She wears what appears to be a drawstring purse and a knife, which is notable considering that very few other women in the manuscript feature these utilitarian accessories. (Bodleian Library)

Two sides from a fragmented aumônière in the Musée Historique des Tissus in Lyon, France. The ground is red velvet with embroidered linen applied to it. The embroidery is done in silks and in silver or gold thread using satin, stem, and split stitches with couched work. The color image portrays the falconer as the bird and the lady as the falconer, in a playful switching of roles. The black and white image simply shows the falconer, posing flirtatiously. Michael Camille looks at this purse.

A mid-14th century French purse on display at the Cloisters in New York. This purse was constructed out of linen and embroidered in polychrome silks and metallic threads. It is rimmed by a series of tiny Turk’s head knots

An aumônière in the Musée national du Moyen Age (“the Cluny”) in Paris; it comes from the Abbay de St. Mihiel and is said to have been owned by la comtesse de Bar, probably made in mid-14th century Paris.

Anderson, Jaynie. Gardens of love in Venetian painting of the Quattrocento. Vol. 2005, in Rituals, Images, and Words: Varieties of Cultural Expression in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe. , edited by F.W. Kent and Charles Zika, 201-234.

• Focuses on a painting attributed to the studio of Antonio Vivarini, now in the National Gallery of Victoria, Melbourne

Barthes, Roland. The Fashion System. Translated by Mathew Ward and Richard Howard. New York: Hill and Wang, 1983.

Bergman, Madeleine. “The Garden of Love A neoplatonic interpretation of Bosch’s “Garden of Earthly Delights” triptych.” Gazette des beaux-arts 115 (1990): 191-212.

Bishop, Louise M. Words, Stones, & Herbs: the healing word in medieval and early modern England. Syracuse University Press, 2007.

Bornsteing, George, and Theresa Tinkle, . The Iconic Page in Manuscript, Print, & Digital Culture. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1998.

Burns, E. Jane. ” A Cultural Performance in Silk: Sebelinne’s aumousniere in the Dit de ‘l Empereur Constant.” In Cultural performances in medieval France : essays in honor of Nancy Freeman Regalado, edited by Eglal Doss-Quinby, Roberta L Krueger and E Jane Burns. Rochester: D.S. Brewer, 2007.

• Specifically about aumousniere, or alm’s purse, and its symbolism

Camille, Michael. Gothic Art: Glorious Vision. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1996.

• Symbolism of garden ( domesticated nature), and romance mirror & self, symbolism of falcon

—. Image on the Edge: the margins of medieval art. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1992.

—. The Medieval Art of Love: objects and subjects of desire. New York: Abrams, 1998.

Denomy, Alexander J. “Courtly Love and Courtliness.” Speculum (Medieval Academy of America) 28 (1953): 44-63.

• A good introduction to courtly love vs. courtliness gift giving, what made chivalry man/not-manly
• Cortezia­ as an ethical virtue, love is not necessary. The end object is the courting.

Favis, Roberta Smith. “The Garden of Love in fifteenth-century Netherlandish and German engravings: some studies in secular iconography in the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance.” Dissertation Abstracts International – A: The Humanities and Social Sciences 35, no. 4 (1974): 2142.

• Compares the Neoplatonism-Hermetism then prevalent

Guynn, Noah D. “Le Roman de la Rose.” In The Cambridge Companion to Medieval French Literature, edited by Simon Gaunt and Sarah Kay, 48-76. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.

• Offers an interpretation of fluctuating meanings within the work as a mirror of the fluctuating nature of ideology

Heller, Sarah-Grace. “Anxiety, hierarchy, and appearance in thirteenth-century sumptuary laws and the Roman de la rose.” French Historical Studies 27, no. 2 (2004): 311-348.

Heller, Sarah-Grace. “Fictions of consumption: the nascent fashion system in Partonopeus de Blois.” Australian Journal of French Studies 46, no. 3 (2009): 191-205.

Jewers, Caroline. “Fabric and fabrication: lyric and narrative in Jean Renart’s Roman de la Rose.” Speculum: A Journal of Medieval Studies 71, no. 4 (1996): 907-924.

• Discusses the prologue to the Roman de la Rose arguing that the exchange of clothing in the romance echoes the circulation of songs: robes, mantles and tunics are the material correlatives of the various kinds of song that adorn the text aurally as the clothes do visually.

McAvoy, Liz Herbert. ““… a purse fulle feyer”: feminising the body in Julian of Norwich’s A Revelation of Love.” Leeds Studies in English 33 (2002): 99-113.

• Argues that Julian’s image of a delicate purse continually opening and shutting should be read as an integral part of the female hermeneutic through which the writer expresses her vision of a masculine-feminine God for an androgynous humankind.

Meir-Oeser, Stephan. “Medieval Semiotics.” The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Summer 2011 Edition). Edited by Edward N. Zalta. 2011.

• A short article going over what the state of semiotics was in Medieval Times, may be relevant when considering what the “sign” of a purse was

Patterson, Lee. “On the Margin: Postmodernism, Ironic History, and Medieval Studies.” Speculum (Medieval Academy of America) 65, no. 1 (1990): 87-108.

• “In the so-called postmodern condition what was previously displaced to the margins returns to haunt the very center.” Terry Eagleton, medieval studies has been a marginalized academic study and now has an opportunity to redefine itself against the concept of Modernity and progress (erasure and experimentation with history) that has regulated it to antiquarianism.

Raskolnikov, Masha. Body Against Soul: Gender and Sowlehele in Middle English Allegory. The Ohio State University Press, 2009.

Rosenfeld, Jessica. “Narcissus after Aristotle: love and ethics in Le Roman de la Rose.” In New Medieval Literatures, edited by Rita Copeland, David Lawton and Wendy Scase, 1-37. Turnhout Brephols, 2007.

Sheridan Libraries of John Hopkins; Bibliotheque Nationale de France. 2011. http://romandelarose.org.

Starkey, Kathryn. “Tristan Slippers: An Image of Adultery on a Symbol of Marriage.” In Medieval Fabrications: Cress, Cextiles,Clothwork, and Other Cultural Imaginings, edited by E. Jane Burns, 35-54. Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.

Stuard, Susan Mosher, ed. Women in Medieval Society. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1976.

Szkilnik, Michelle. “From sword to dress: the ideal knight in medieval French romancev.” In Knight and Samurai: Actions and Images of Elite Warriors in Europe and East Asia, edited by Rosemarie Deist, 87-102. Göppinger Arbeiten zur Germanistikle, 2003.

• Examines the depiction of tournaments and battles in Antoine de la Sale’s Jehan le Saintré, arguing that in comparison to earlier romances the focus has switched from weapons to clothes
• France, 15 th century

Tinkle, Theresa. Medieval Venuses and Cupids: Sexuality, Hermeneutics and English Poetry. Stanford University Press, 1996.

Wright, Monica L. Weaving Narrative: clothing in twelfth-century French Romance. University, Pa.: Pennsyvania State University Press, 2009.

Yeager, Robert F. “Chaucer’s “To his Purse begging, or begging off?” Viator: Medieval and Renaissance Studies 36 (2005): 373-414.

• Argues from the lack of exchequer evidence for payments to Chaucer for poetry that this work is not a begging poem but an ironic literary choice directed at King Henry IV

I have loosely defined my interest as “Romance Items” and how they can be analyzed in the context of feminism and semiotics. Since my “target object”, aumonieres ( alm’s purses) have no research dedicated specifically to them I have identified several themes that relate and several other romance items ( like personal mirrors and portrait miniatures) that I can extrapolate ideas from. I have narrowed down my time period of research to mid 13^th- mid-late 14^th centuries, primarily in France since this is the period most of the purses I am looking at were made.

Themes of Research

1. Iconography of the Garden of Love.

• Exploring the rich history of this scene, a man and a woman in a garden, will  illuminate why this image is so popular. The Garden of Adam and Eve, the gardens portrayed in the medieval romances, and the notion of a garden as a tamed wild space for the nobility (the relationship between nature/humanity) all factor in. Gardens have a rich symbolic vocabulary and a lot of the activities that would take place in a garden ( falconry, hunts, etc.) were well known metaphors for the game of love in the Middle Ages.

2. The semiotics of medieval purses in general:

• I have found a couple of articles analyzing purses in medieval literature. I would like to explore the purse’s relationship to the body, how it functioned differently as a sign compared to jewelry. One analysis compares the opening and closing of a purse to a woman’s willingness to engage in courtly love.

3. The function of clothing in medieval romances:

• Some scholars have discussed how cloth, and especially cloth giving, grew in importance throughout the middle ages. According to Andreas Capellanus, the famous author of The Art of Courtly Love purses were a token of love from one lover to another. I would like to look at the role ” giving” played in romance (especially if these purses were given.), and why items you wore on your body were so particularly popular and symbolic. This topic  would explore how erotic/ monetary attractiveness were linked, or why someone adorned is considered more attractive.

4. How these purses, embroidered by women, can act as a voice for women:

• Examples of embroidery by women that was not commissioned by the church are very rare. If these are made by women for women or made by women for the men as a gift, their portrayal of love is very important. I have been looking at books that explore “women’s work” through the centuries and its meaning.

Substantive Research Questions:

Were these objects made by women and given to men?

Who wore them?

Were they given/ worn in the context of marriage contracts (and maybe having something to do with economical “romance”) or were these used in a more flirtatious, playful context?

What did medieval romance literature, primarily Roman de le Rose, mean to a wearer of this purse?

Why proclaim this scene on your body?

What does the imagery on this purse say about gender relations in the Middle ages?

Bartlett, Robert. “Symbolic Meanings of Hair in the Middle Ages.” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 4 (1994): 43-60.

Courtais, Georgine de. Women’s Headdress & Hairstyles in England from AD 600 to the present day. London: The Anchor Press LTD., 1973.

Campbell, Marian.  Medieval Jewelry in Europe 1100-1500. London:V &A Publishing.,2009. 33

Heath, Jennifer. “What is Subordinated, dominates: Mourning, Masks, and Male Veiling.” The Veil: Women Writers on Its History, Lore, and Politics. Ed. Jennifer Heath. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. 90-118.

Karra, Ruth Mazo. “The Regulation of Brothels in Later Medieval England.” Signs (1989): 399-43.

Katherine Morris Lester, Bess Viola Oerke. An Illustrated History of those frills and furbelows of Fashion which have come to be known as: Accessories of Dress. Peoria: The Manual Arts Press, 1940.

Koslin, Desiree G. “”He Hath coured my soul inwarde”: Veiling in Medieval Europe and the Early Church.” The Veil: Women Writers on Its History, Lore, and Politics. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008. 160-170.

Kupsta, Maureen. ” Prologue: Late Medieval Jewelr.” Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies 5.2 (2000): pp. 30-34+10.

Ricketso, Edith B. “Barbarian Jewelry of the Merovingian Period.” The Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin 5.5 (1947): 136-143.

Rodini, Elizabeth. ” The Language of Stone.” Art Institute of Chicago Museum Studies 25.2 (2000): 16-28+10.

Scott, Margaret. ” Medieval Dress & Fashion.” The British Library. (2007) 40-45

Spier, Jeffrey. ” Medieval Byzantine Magical Amulets and Their Tradition” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institute 56 (1993).

Pliny the Elder’s Natural History was admired in the Middle Ages for its compendium of minerals and metals.

Marbodus, Bishop of Rennes, wrote one of the most famous lapidaries, Liper Lapidum Book of Stones, in 1067-81.

In this book he describes the believed properties of some jewels:

sapphires- best worn by kings

rubies-promote health, dispel bad luck and lust

emeralds- increased wealth

turquoise-  to guard against poison, and falling while riding

diamond- gives protection from nightmares, and courage

toadstone- believed to come from the head of a toad, but actually was a fossilized fish tooth, believed to be a talisman of earthly happiness

From around the 12th century, astrological engravings on stones were supposed to be especially good talismans.

Rodini gives a good summary of the contradiction between the Roman Catholic church and the magical properties given to jewels:

“And yet traditional, even pagan,understandings of a divinely organized, cosmically directed universe were still very much alive. Human character was classified according to the perceived qualities of the planets, the human body was connected to the patterns of the stars, and the materials of the earth were seen as essentially linked to the celestial realm. This explanatory system included gems and precious metals, and the writing of lapidaries (texts dedicated to investigating the properties and powers of different stones) went back to antiquity and continued throughthe Middle Ages. While the Church opposed belief in the magical or talismanic potential of minerals,it did not contradict faith in their medicinal properties or in theirsymbolic association with religious values (sapphires as emblems of hope for example) Indeed, late-medieval universities promoted a relatively formal, codified study of medicinal stones, and a significant tradition survived during the Renaissance of assigning spiritual power and value to gems and other minerals. Accordingly, another motive for the wearing of jewelry was protective, either in a magical or a medicinal sense.” (Rodini pg.25)

This bishop’s ring (English, 13th century)  showcases the belief in religious values of stones:

This elaborate bishop's ring has the typical combination of a gold setting with a single, large stone, in this case malachite. The gold is decorated with openwork eagles, animal heads, and floral elements. The malachite is probably meant to resemble "toadstone," a green stone said to be found on the head of a toad and believed to have healing qualities. These rings had to be large as bishops normally wore them over gloves on the third finger of the right hand.

1. hair can be like clothing, malleable, changeable with dye, styling, accessories, yet it grows from the body and is more organic.

2. hair surrounds the face, the most communicatively diverse area of the body, ie its the most socially visible.

3. In come cases gives biological information

In the Middle Ages:

-Long hair was a sign of high rank.

- Women covered their hair at all times, unless they were young girls, brides, or queens at coronations. Sometimes during mourning a woman would uncover her head and tear at her hair. This was looked down upon by the church.

- Young boys were not considered men until a symbolic “first hair-cut.” The giver of this haircut was symbolically important to the young boy.

- Hairstyles that did not fit the social conventions were considered barbaric. Conquered Irish men were differentiated from Anglo-Saxons by their long hair in the back, and were forbidden by law to emulate Anglo-Saxon hairstyles. A problem arose when it became fashionable to Anglo-Saxon men to have long hair in the back. The trend was banned.

The alms bags became common among men and women. They were usually made of silk and leather. Embroidresses were members of crafts guilds, signifying the importance of their work. The purpose of the bag veered into being multi-functional. A common use was for devotional prayer books, like the Book of Hours. These bags would have been rectangular.

Embroidered Purse (1170-1190) French, silk threads on linen

The more secular purpose of these bags is hinted at in the embroidery themes of lovers playing in gardens, like the aulmoniere below:

Lover's Pouch (1340) Paris

The poem, Romance of the Rose, provided many romantic motifs.

This purse is another example of a secular theme, hinting that the name alm’s purse may have been vestigal.

These purses eventually became pouches ( worn at the belt, flatter, smaller) They were still intricately made, and sometimes employed a bronze or gold clasp or frame. The metal clasps were often inscribed with moral and religious sentiments.

Purses soon began to hold great variety of items: keys, combs, pincushions, cosmetics, strings of beads, scent apples, and medicinal remedies.

* I found this blog

http://medievalpurses.blogspot.com/

pretty interesting because the intricacy of embroidery is very palpable in her modern day reconstructions. She had some good examples of medieval purses in art as well (http://medievalpurses.blogspot.com/search/label/purses%20in%20art)

Rodini’s main points can be summarized:

- though small in size jewelry signified the relationship between the wearer and society

- During the Renaissance the world was considered to be infused with signs, and it was a necessary skill to decode them. The was a literal nature to signs, in the sense that the ultimate truth, or meaning, could be inferred if you had the right knowledge. This assumes that there was a design, or an essence, before the sign.

- Jewelry was both private and public. Private because it was worn close to the body, public because it carried a pronouncement of wealth, rank, or loyalty.

Some interesting medieval notes in her article include:

- Late medieval jewelry enhanced the rarity of the stone through a simple setting.

-Jewelry was not just decorative, but served as a good form of portable currency.

- Sumptuary laws came about at moments when wealth distribution was in flux. For example, Venice saw an impressive amount of rare jewel trade. Laws regulating pearl wearing came about in order to maintain an appearance of equality. In 1299, wearing bridal pearls,except on a girdle, was forbidden. In 1582, pearls were forbidden to all except women married for 10 or more years, direct relations of the Doge, foreign ambassadors, and brides. By 1609, the importation of pearls was forbidden. From these laws, it is possible to infer that wearing pearls took priority over receiving a fine.

- Crown Jewels, or the idea of a collection of jewels belonging to a royal line, was begun by French King Francis I in 1530.

-Portrait Jewels, though given in courtship, where seldom truly romantic. Instead they served as political reminders of promises, to the wearer and to all who saw the jewels worn.

- In the case of dowries, jewels and riches represented the moral and physical health of the bride. Portraits of females often flattened the sitter, yet the jewels are depicted brightly and in great detail. The jewels tell the viewer more about the female’s inherent qualities than her physical form.

- Pilgrimage medallions pronounced a wearer’s faith, provided protection, and reminded one of their pilgrimage. The medallions were often worn on the hat and had a simple iconic nature.

St. Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job, (c.1111-15) Citeaux

The knight above could not have functioned as a knight. His long hair, trailing sleeves, and curled pointed shoes all would have undermined his purpose. The fashion of times though prevailed, with much complaint from older men who critiqued the younger, secular men’s effeminacy.

Scott, Margaret. Medieval Dress & Fashion. London: British Library, 2007, (pg.40-45)

Anglo-Saxon (600 - 1154): Simple Veils, Head-tires, Combs, and Pin

Norman (1066-1154): Couvre-chef, hair uncovered, and extreme length

Plantagenet (1154-1399): Wimple, Barbette, Fillet and Crespine

Barbette- supposedly introduced by Eleanor of Aquitaine, was a band of linen encircling the face and pinned into place.  At first it was only worn by royal ladies with a circlet or coronet (Fig 11) but was eventually adopted by all classes

Wimple- appeared by 1190, a length of fine linen or silk draped underneath the chin, across the throat.  The ends were pinned at the crown of the head. During this time period, it always accompanied a veil , and usually a circlet. (Fig 12).

Fillet- a stiffened band of linken or silk worn around the head, over the barbette. Sometimes worn under a crown, with the tips showing. Became narrower over time.  Young girls wore the fillet and barbette with flowing hair (fig 17), but more often the hair was braided ( fig 13) The fillet and barbette became narrower over time in this period.

Crespine- or crespinette, a net or caul usually worn and attached to the barbette and fillet (Fig 15 and 16) Great ladies wore crespines of silk and jewels.

Plantagenet (14th century): Horizontal Braiding, Gorget

Gorget--when a wimple is worn without a veil, pinned over hair coils on the side of the head (Fig. 19). Sometimes the coils were braided horizontally (Fig.18).

Horizontal Braiding- popular in the mid 14th century, the head would go uncovered, but sometimes a fillet would support the plaits ( Fig. 22).

Plantagenet Crespine ( 1364-Late 14th century)

Lancaster (1415-1422): Horned Headdresses

Horned- the side cauls eventually grew to such large proportions that they became horns. The metal mesh that had encased the cauls became decorative surface for the fabric horns.

Lancaster (1430-1460): Heart-shaped and Turban Headdresses

Heart-Shaped- over time the horned headdresses rose in verticality, eventually forming a heart shape. They were crafted by goldsmiths, using rich fabrics and a gold mesh, usually set with needlework and jewels. The headdresses were so rich they were often mentioned in wills.  Fig. 51 and 52 showcase a style in which a padded roll of fabric frames the face.

Turban- this style was popular throughout the 15th century. It’s influence was Turkish, probably after the capture of Constantinople. They were light, made of wire mesh and fabric.

York (1460-1485): Butterfly and Hennin

Hennin- eventually the horns became so tall and vertical they merged into one tall horn. In England, the cone had a flat top and would not exceed a height of nine inches. Compared to the 2-3 feet of Continental styles, this was modest. Transparent veils were attached to the top, or draped, sometimes to the ground.

Butterfly- consisted of a cap which resembled an inverted flowerpot, set at an angle orginally resembling the hennin, and then eventually becoming completely horizontal.  The veil arrangement was important and structural. Sometimes the veil was starched into it’s folds, but often it was supported by wires. The V-shape was desirable.

Both styles would sometimes feature a band of cloth, usually black, framed around the face. This front band would eventually become the hoods of the Tudor period.

Lancaster and York ( 1425-1480): Barbe, Loose Hair

Barbe- a pleated linen bib, which went out of fashion, along with the wimple, in the sixteenth century. Sumptuary laws of mourning made the barbe mandatory for Court.

Loose Hair- was only worn by young girls, unmarried, and queens during coronation ceremony and brides. Often a circlet was worn.

Beatrice d'Este (c. 1480s-1490s) Attributed to Giovanni Ambrogio de Predis (Pinacoteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy) tempera and oil on panel, 51 x 34 cm

Marie, Wife of Potinari (1470) Hans Memling