Currently viewing the tag: "justice"

On July 11, 2018, Jane Ferguson’s article, “Is intentional starvation the future of war?” appeared in The New Yorker. Included in it is a quote from Alex de Waal and our colleague, Wayne Jordash, from Global Rights Compliance. Below is an excerpt. The full piece is available through the New Yorker.

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In partnership with Global Rights Compliance, the World Peace Foundation is today releasing a new briefing paper: Can we prosecute starvation?” The paper situates today’s famines as deriving from the manner in which states and non-state actors pursue armed conflict, reviews what law might apply to famine crimes, and discusses what evidence would be required […]

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It is closing day for the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, which officially concludes its existence on December 31, 2017. As summarized by Owen Bowcott in the Guardian, the volume of work completed by the tribunal is impressive: over 24 years, 10,800 days of hearings, with 4,650 witnesses, producing 2.5 million pages of transcripts, […]

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The past few weeks have seen important developments in the realm of international criminal justice. On March 24th, the ICTY convicted Radovan Karadzic of genocide and other crimes against humanity over atrocities committed by Bosnian Serb forces between 1992 and 1995. The same week, the International Criminal Court’s Pre-Trial Chamber confirmed 70 charges against […]

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Today, the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) sentenced Radovan Karadzić, the political leader of the Bosnian Serbs through the war (1992 – 1995), when he led them into disgrace by trading legitimate concerns about the character of political life in Bosnia’s post-Yugoslav existence for the pursuit of systematic, group targeted violence against their neighbors.

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President Bashir’s narrow escape from South Africa has shown that an executive decision by the African Union’s leaders, including the South African president, to refuse cooperation with the ICC, does not have legal force to override domestic law. It has shown that the ICC has no recourse if a government decides to ignore its obligations under the Rome Statute—only the domestic courts and authorities can enforce its decisions. It has embarrassed the African Union, which looks to be re-inventing itself as, in the words of the late Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere describing its predecessor the Organisation of African Unity, a “trade union of dictators”. Most international sympathies will lie with the ICC: it has scored a moral point. But only the former and current staff of the office of the prosecutor, and others who followed the Bashir case closely, will be aware that the Sudanese president’s unseemly escape from South Africa also saved the ICC itself from what could have been severe embarrassment.

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