Wednesday, April 17th marks the start of SAPAC’s second annual ‘South Asia Week’.
South Asia Week aims to cultivate meaningful dialogue surrounding South Asia’s pressing political issues, celebrate the region’s diverse cultures, and suggest innovative solutions to the current obstacles facing the region.

Every day, the South Asian region is at the forefront of news for both international and domestic political affairs. South Asia is the geographical region in Southern Asia that includes Afghanistan,Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Iran, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka.  However, the importance of this region within the international context is often underplayed. For instance, a few issues that pose important global effects are “the nuclearisation of the India-Pakistan rivalry, with the assistance of outside powers like China and North Korea”, the US occupation and invasion of Afghanistan and the emerging markets in the region.

Throughout South Asia Week, SAPAC hopes to engage students and faculty members across various disciplines pertaining to South Asia. Both Tufts University and the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy place great importance on international affairs. In keeping both of the school’s focuses in mind, SAPAC hopes to create awareness about the region throughout the Tufts community.

This year the South Asian Political Action Committee (SAPAC) is proud to present Tufts’ second annual South Asia Week in coordination with BUILD: India and HSC.

South Asia week will provide an eclectic blend of events, ranging from a roundtable discussion regarding the drone strikes in Pakistan, to the joyous celebration of Holi. This week will provide not only engagement with South Asia’s pressing political issues but also a diverse taste of South Asian culture. Here are some of the events to look forward

-Drone Strikes Roundtable: Game of Drones: Counterterrorism Measure or Human Rights Abuse? (Wednesday [17th April]) https://www.facebook.com/events/126414120882904/?notif_t=plan_user_joined

There have been 344 Drone Attacks in Pakistan alone since 2004, resulting in more than hundreds of Civilian Deaths. The Obama Administration has defended the legality of Drone Attacks and said strikes are conducted only with permission from states. We ask you: Counterterrorism Measure or Human Rights Abuse?

-BUILD: India presents “Bollywood, Bazaar and Bites” Movie Screening of Cocktail (Thursday [18th April]

https://www.facebook.com/events/445827558834505/?ref=ts&fref=ts

Watch a Bollywood film, eat delicious FREE Indian food, and buy some beautiful Indian Handicrafts. All donations will provide Thottiyapatti’s members with better supplementary education, access to ECOSAN toilets and an additional source of income.

-Afghanistan Movie Screening (Thursday [18th April])

https://www.facebook.com/events/158726524288848/?fref=ts

Back Home Tomorrow, by Fabrizio Lazzaretti and Paolo Santolini. The film received the Cinereach Award for conveying vital messages through artful storytelling during its US premiere at the 2009 Human Rights Watch International Film Festival in New York City.

-HSC: Holi (Sunday [April 21st])

https://www.facebook.com/events/523370354368513/?fref=ts

Holi is the festival of colors and welcomes the joys of spring. The festival is exhilarating and joyous, and reminds us to celebrate the excitement and happiness of friendship and love.

With these exciting events in line, we are looking forward to South Asia Week and hope you all will join us in engaging with the region’s cultures and issues.

The following post reflects on the liberal response to sectarian violence. It is written by Shayan, a student at Tufts University. 

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Many years ago, when the representatives of newly created Pakistan had assembled to decide the framework of their future constitution, words of caution had rung out. In the moments leading up to the passage of the Objectives Resolution of 1949, Sris Chandra Chattopadhyay, the leader of the opposition in the Constituent Assembly had said, “By introducing the religious question, the differences between the majority and the minority are being perpetuated, for how long, nobody knows … I say, give up this division of the people into Muslims and non-Muslims and let us call ourselves one nation. Let us call ourselves one people of Pakistan.”

But his plea was ignored. Pakistan was divided, legally and discursively, into majority and minority. As Chattopadhyay had predicted in the rest of his speech, “Pakistani” became linked to “Muslim” and non-Muslims could not appeal to a shared Pakistani identity for protection. Non-Muslim Pakistanis and their advocates had to fall back on the unpopular discourse of minority protection.

Today, when Shias in Pakistan are facing an unprecedented bloodbath, liberals have rallied with the same slogans of protecting religious minorities. Suddenly, the unfortunate fate of Hindus, Christians, Ahmadis, and Shia “minorities” are all being condemned in one breath. In 1949, no one would have dreamed of speaking about the Shia “minority”. Yet today, Shias are relocated and subsumed without comment into the discourse of minority.

Sunni extremists on the right have been trying for decades to evict Shias from the fold of Islam. Liberals, while condemning these efforts, do not realize that their minority discourse is contributing to that very process. Subtract all the minorities in the liberal’s list and you find revealed the Sunni majority, the same majority the extreme right has been trying to bring about.

Then why insist on recasting Shias as a minority? Perhaps because it is a readymade discourse that the liberals can mobilize in their defense. But it is also a discourse proven to be politically ineffectual. Chattopadhyay had recognized this long ago. In calling for the abolition of majority/minority distinction he had also understood the constructed and mutable nature of these categories. He would not be surprised at the reconstitution of these seemingly fixed and self-evident categories that is taking place today. He would, I am sure, be confounded by liberals’ uncritical affirmation of this process, when the way forward is not to create more minorities but rather to do away with this discourse entirely.

“I don’t see any way in which [the] system is going to close. There are going to be consequences, the emergence of social unrest, and violence against hearts of the population that don’t have protection. It is bound to happen”. Senior Associate Dean for International Business and Finance at The Fletcher School Dr. Bhaskar Chakravorti detailed South Asia’s immediate political and social uncertainties at SAPAC’s latest event, “India in 2025”.

South Asia as a whole is undergoing an unprecedented paradigm shift, whereby the region is growing not necessarily in GDP, but in expectations. Social norms and legal infrastructure have not kept up with the times, and the gap between expectations and India’s ability to deliver is only expanding.

Is India’s political system characterized by corruption? How will private enterprises and investors influence South Asia’s future? When is India going to overtake China, if at all? The commonly held obsession with economic growth rates has dulled due to events such as the recent firing exchanges in Kashmir or last years Delhi rape case. “GDP-itis” has been cured, only because the emerging middle class is realizing that there are far too many other determinants to India’s success.

Despite a growing lack of faith in the government, India is not going to turn away from its democratic path. Nevertheless, corruption remains at the bureaucratic level as India’s “patchwork quilt government” remains unresolved. There are simply far too many interest groups and constituencies across the country that fragment the political system. However a generational turnover of younger citizens will either, through methods imported from the West, or indigenously grown ideas, ameliorate the political climate. As a result, these well-traveled individuals will have less time to respond to these crises and therefore be reactive rather than unresponsive.

Dean Chakravorti predicts that by 2050, India is going to reach an entirely new crisis level. However, there are positives that will arise from this intensifying divide. For instance, India’s single greatest strength is its people and its entrepreneurial gene is going to promulgate. Historically the south has fared better than the north; however, outliers such as Bihar or even Gujarat confirm that India as a nation thrives on its peoples’ collective toolsets and mindsets. Overall, Dean Chakravorti anticipates an explosion in leveraging technology and innovation as this growing socio-economic divide will provide the opportunities for creative people to solve new problems.

Various appeals from human rights groups in Kashmir and around the world have been made to the Delhi High Court since his conviction, yet these were all dismissed. The clemency pleas argue that Afzal was denied natural justice, yet many argue that these appeals were made solely to appease Muslim voters in India, as Afzal is from Jammu and Kashmir.

The Congress Party has received significant criticism for its handling of the trial, with the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Communist Party of India challenging Congress’ ability to bring justice in an appropriate and timely fashion.

However, it is too late to ponder over whether Afzal was indeed denied the right to a fair trial. Each of India’s democratic establishments has played a role in his execution. In spite of the charges, the fact that Afzal’s family was informed of his execution through speed post two days after he was hanged is unquestionably inhumane. Now we are left with one question: was the death penalty simply an effort on the Congress Party’s behalf to appear stronger on counter-terrorism, or have they unwittingly made a mockery of civil law and society?

First and foremost, we will discuss some of the eclectic events we have on our agenda for the year, such as a seminar with the Fletcher School Senior Associate Dean Bhaskar Chakravorti and roundtables featuring some of the strongest elements of South Asian politics right here on campus.

We’ll also be delving into one of the more important issues facing the region this past winter by addressing “Rape, Culture and Society. What can we learn from the Delhi gang-rape tragedy?”

SAPAC also has a few open positions on the e-board this semester. This is a great way to be involved with events on campus and build connections, in addition to gaining experience. We will provide more information on which positions are open and the role that each entails at the meeting. So if you’re looking for a way to get more involved on campus and engage in the South Asian discourse, make sure to be at our GIM at 7pm on Monday!

We look forward to seeing you there!

SAPAC

Where does the campaign against these human rights abusers begin? Far too many groups and individuals face these obstacles.  Women remain hugely under-represented in government and other decision-making administrative positions. Indigenous people face discrimination denying them the opportunities to make full use of their guaranteed rights and face institutions that often fail to take account of their circumstances. Within the context of South Asia, Tibet epitomizes this human rights struggle.

Over the past half-century, there has been increasing tension between China and Tibet regarding Tibet’s political status. China’s position is that its government has exercised sovereignty over Tibet for over 700 years, and that Tibet has never been an independent state. On the other hand, the Central Tibetan Administration’s (CTA) position is that Tibet is a distinct nation with a history of independence. In 1959 the Dalai Lama fled Tibet to McLeod Ganj, Dharamsala, India, after a failed uprising against Chinese rule. Since then, McLeod Ganj has remained the headquarters for the Central Tibetan Administration (CTA) along with the Tibetan refugee community in India.

On May 14^th 2011, the government’s title changed from the “Tibetan Government-in-Exile” to the “Central Tibetan Administration”. However, the Tibetan government’s title is far more than just a name. It represents a struggle and symbolizes an entire peoples commitment and diligence to regain their homeland. The Tibetan people should not be forced to acquiesce in the name of making their human rights campaign more “practical”.

In the past month, 27 Tibetans have set themselves on fire. Most of these individuals were in the prime of their youth with the youngest, a nun named Sangay Dolma, just 17 years old. Evidently, the long-drawn-out crusade against human rights abuse has forced the movement in a different direction. Regardless of how frustrating the campaign, time cannot be allowed to influence the global struggle to achieve universal human rights.

In my eyes the title “Central Tibetan Administration” does not imply that the Tibetan people are currently displaced, living as refugees in India. It does not show that the Tibetans are capable of autonomous rule, but seems to suggest that the Tibetans run a mere administration rather than a full-fledged government. The title almost has a positive connotation, as opposed to the emotions that one evokes from the phrase “in exile”. A government’s title caries a significant degree of value in the field of international affairs, and it is important for Tibetans and non-Tibetans alike to understand that Tibetans are currently engaged in a territorial dispute when their government is mentioned.

Earlier last year the Dalai Lama announced his retirement from his role as political leader of the CTA, but His Holiness will continue as the spiritual leader of the Tibetan people. This devolution of power is likely to result in a new constitutional structure for the Tibetan government-in-exile, which poses an overwhelming responsibility for the new leaders of the Tibetan movement. Unfortunately, I along with the Tibetan Youth Congress strongly believe that this change in nomenclature is a shift in the wrong direction for both Tibetans and the larger human rights movement.

In Solidarity,

Gautam Kapur

-Gautam Kapur is a freshman majoring in International Relations

In thinking about this notion of the universal and spiritual sovereignty of Islam, an observation made by Prof. Sugata Bose of Harvard University springs to mind,

“Religion, even more so than the idea of nation, proved adept at crossing seas.”

This observation brings to surface the continuing interplay of a transnational and national allegiance amongst Muslim communities around the world, including South Asia. Today, with almost one third of the world’s 1.2 billion Muslims residing in South Asia, this is of critical significance to the region. In complicating the idea of a national identity, Muslim pilgrims embark on their travel for salvation and on the way and amongst large gatherings engage in a powerful exchange of conversation and experience.

The effects of a broader transnational allegiance, or a sense of Islamic nationalism as it can also be referred to, trickles down into the everyday lives of Muslim communities in South Asia, altering the political, social and economic dynamics of the region. Muslims of contemporary India, where they remain a minority consisting of less than 20% of the total population, face a particularly complex identity crisis. With continuing pockets of bitterness between Hindu and Muslim communities throughout India, India’s Muslims very often find themselves in a complicated net of allegiances. However, with leading Islamic organizations in India such as Jamiat Ulema-I-Hind, complex variations of Indian Muslim’s nationalistic philosophy have been fashioned such as mu’ahadah. This is based on the idea that India’s Muslims and non-Muslims have established a mutual contract since the time of independence also reflected in the Indian constitution, propagating a secular state.

Therefore, when thinking about the powerfulness of the Hajj and what it means to the worldwide Muslim community, one cannot help but think about the persistence of multifaceted and multilayered identities in the South Asian region.

-Zara Juneja is a junior majoring in International Relations

This transformation has been nowhere more evident than in her continued silence over the issue of the sectarian unrest in Burma’s west between the Buddhist Rakhines and the Muslim Rohingyas.  Ongoing sporadic violence between the two groups has taken the lives of hundreds and displaced thousands on both sides though the loss on the Rohingya’s side has been much more.  The Rohingyas have traditionally been discriminated against by the Buddhist majority, so much so that it has led to the United Nations describing them as one of the world’s most persecuted minorities. Since 1982, when the-then head of state General Ne Win reframed citizenship laws leading to the Rohingyas being considered illegal aliens in a land that they had inhabited as early as the 8^th century, at least 250,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh.

Their living conditions in Bangladesh weren’t any better even though they escaped the religious persecution they faced back in Burma. A Bangladesh government, already facing problems of widespread poverty and resource crunch, reluctantly offered a helping hand under increasing pressure from the international community and its own citizens who were sympathetic to the Rohingyas. After the latest episode of violence though, the government led by Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina made it clear that they would seal their borders and not let in the thousands of Rohingyas who were fleeing murder, rape and torture in Burma.

Ms. Suu Kyi’s silence is especially alarming considering the regional repercussions of the issue, which she will have to deal with if, her government comes to power in 2015. Bangladesh’s stance with Rohingyas has led to some quarters crying foul over its handling of the case of Bangladeshi citizens who have migrated to the state of Assam in neighboring India where a separate case of violence between the indigenous Bodos and the Bengali speaking Muslims has erupted recently, a large number of whom have resided in Assam for decades. These clashes have led to the death of many on both sides and in turn has led to hostility towards citizens of North East India, of which Assam is a part and a mass exodus of the North-Easterners from major Indian cities like Bangalore and Hyderabad.

However, there’s an even bigger underlying problem that has the potential to lead to a standoff between the three countries if not now, then by the time Ms. Suu Kyi’s government comes to power. The government of Bangladesh has suggested that members of the Rohingya community have links to fundamentalist groups like the Jamaat-e-Islami, which has in turn led the Burmese authorities to dub the Rohingyas as ‘Islamic insurgents’. The irony of the situation is that similar concerns, however dubious they may be have been, have been raised against Bangladeshi immigrants in Assam by the local authorities who suggest their links to organizations such as the Bangladeshi terror outfit, Harkat ul Jihad Islami, which has undertaken major attacks within India. All this poses an enormous danger to the regional peace and stability and can create a potentially awkward diplomatic standoff, which is the last thing Ms. Suu Kyi needs as she tries to gather more support from the international community in helping rebuild Burma.

Voices from all over the world, including government authorities and human rights groups have urged Ms. Suu Kyi to take an explicit stand against the violent repression of the Rohingyas. However, her views on the issue have been vague and ambiguous at best. She has suggested that there has been human rights abuses on both sides, which while factually true vastly undermines the disproportionate suffering of the Rohingyas. She has further stated that the need of the hour is to ‘”clarify” citizenship laws and grant equal citizenship to all ethnic minorities. On the face of it, this might suggest that she is calling for more rights for the Rohingyas. But the statement conveniently hides the fact that officially Burma doesn’t recognize Rohingyas as ethnic minorities as they are not even considered citizens.

Politically, Suu Kyi doesn’t have much to gain but a lot to lose by opening her mouth on the matter. By taking a stand against the violence, she risks losing the electoral support of not only the Rakhine population who hugely outnumber the disfranchised Rohingyas, but also the rest of the Buddhist majority of Burma who consider the Rohingyas as illegal immigrants from Bangladesh and a threat to the security and stability of their nation. As Burma expert and visiting fellow at the London School of Economics, Maung Zarni says, “She (Ms. Suu Kyi) is no longer a political dissident trying to stick to her principles. She’s a politician and her eyes are fixed on the prize, which is the 2015 majority Buddhist vote.”

During her speech at the San Francisco Freedom Forum, Ms. Suu Kyi expressed her initial unwillingness about speaking on the topic given to her – “The Long Road to Freedom.” She said that she wished to speak about the life of the great dissident, Havel instead. Havel once said, “Without free, self-respecting and autonomous citizens there can be no free and independent nations. Without internal peace, that is, peace among citizens and between the citizens and the state, there can be no guarantee of external peace.” Perhaps she should remind herself of Havel’s idea of a free nation as she embarks upon Burma’s long and treacherous road to freedom.

Join the South Asian Political Committee today for a student roundtable to discuss the issue of the Rohingyas and other such problems of displacement and migration in South Asia. For more information on the event visit http://sites.tufts.edu/sapac/

-Shayan Purkayastha is a senior majoring in Computer Science and the co-chair of the South Asian Political Action Committee 

While we welcome everybody’s contribution (yes, please do send in any ideas, write-ups or simply just opinions and thoughts that you would like shared,) SAPAC is excited to announce that we are looking for TWO new E-Board members – a Freshman Rep and  a Social Media Rep!

Everybody is welcome, so please do follow the link below and submit your application!

https://docs.google.com/spreadsheet/viewform?fromEmail=true&formkey=dGFXanB1aVBveDBWTm9RLUg2ZVJmWlE6MQ

On that note, we hope to see you all at our events throughout this semester and really encourage everybody to get more involved with this complex yet exhilarating region of the world!

Of course having a website and launching a blog were two new initiatives and we have  had students write about a range of issues related to South Asian politics, economics and society. We encourage more of you to write to us with ideas for blog posts, and of course actual bog posts.

Our blog but also our group as a whole occupies an important position in an institution like Tufts which values it’s global-minded student community and encourages us to be aware of the world around us. Given the South Asian region’s growing importance in today’s global context, whether it is related to economic development or social and political change, we believe it is important to make sure that this dialogue continues and that SAPAC continues to attract students who are interested in sustaining this dialogue through their interest in the region or those who are interested in learning about it.

On that note, we think it is valuable to learn about the kind of work that Tufts students are doing in South Asia, whether it is over the summer or in their life post-Tufts. We have spoken to a range of students who have worked in diplomacy, policy-work, rural development, and entrepreneurship.

So as you depart for summer, or for those of you seniors who have graduated and may be looking at opportunities in the region, be sure to look at our newest page ”Tufts Students in South Asia,” which will profile the work of Tufts students and Tufts alumni in South Asia.

Have a great summer!