Coalition
Definition
A coalition is generally defined as a temporary union of individuals or groups of parties. A coalition “consists of individuals who, despite their persistent differences, work together to pursue a mutually beneficial goal.” 1 This definition provides a simple and direct understanding of what a coalition consists of in essence. However, as the authors of this keyword page, we aim to move beyond a general, homogeneous definition of “coalition” and explore the complexities that this keyword offers. Through this page, we hope to consider the varying nuances and overlapping interests that coalesce into a coalition. A “coalition” is fundamentally defined as an alliance of individuals or groups who work together; nevertheless, we recognize that there are a multitude of political, social, and cultural components that influence the constitution of a coalition.
Therefore, we define “coalition” as an alliance for individuals who work towards a common goal while possessing distinct political, social, and cultural interests that may intersect or overlap. These interests may solely be divergent or isolated from one another. However, they may also possess the potential to converge and interconnect with each other in various manners. Still, individuals in a coalition ultimately subjugate these interests in order to prioritize a common goal for the mutual, greater benefit of the parties involved.
In this keyword page, we examine “coalition” through several theoretical lenses: Marxist, feminist, postcolonial, and political approaches. We then examine how coalitions function today and how they may develop in the future, addressing notable tensions and sequentially conveying the forms of progress we hope to see.
Marxism
Coalition serves to unite groups in order to perpetuate change, and thus has direct roots in the theory of Marxism. Defined as a theory and practice of socialism, Marxism encompasses the labor theory of value, dialectical materialism, the class struggle, and dictatorship of the proletariat until the establishment of a classless society. 2 Marxism and “coalition” are inherently connected, as many movements aim to look past established and imposed differences to focus on the real struggle: the class struggle. In the 21st century, the world is dictated by capitalism, which roots itself not only on the international stage but through our daily interactions and lifestyle. Real injustice persists in economic matters, concerning the wealth gap between the “elites” and the working class or proletariat. Championed by Karl Marx, this framework aims to dismantle the oppressive structures of capitalism, and one of the most effective ways to do that is through coalition building. By presenting themselves as a united front, the proletariat can increase their political power and demand reform from those who profit exponentially from the system. The Marxist framework influences coalition by acknowledging that all struggles stem from power imbalances, and that power imbalances are all too often rooted in the economy.
Labor unions are a prime case study of coalitions through a Marxist framework. Stemming from the large influx of workers in 18th century Britain during the industrial revolution, labor unions have now evolved to represent and serve the needs of workers, guaranteeing rights and representation. 3 Labor unions can then be seen as massive coalitions, where workers band together to further their conditions, nevertheless working under the system of capitalism.
An example of a labor union would be the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), which covers over 2 million workers in healthcare, the public sector, and property services. The SEIU not only furthers the rights of workers but is also a major advocate for many social issues, protesting the ongoing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) raids, for example, and promoting different strikes until conditions are met. Labor unions are effective coalitions by relying on numbers—the large scale of people involved adds pressure to governments and corporations to change—as well as diversity to effectively anchor their claims and needs.
Through a Marxist framework, coalition-building is an extremely useful and effective tool in dismantling and attenuating the effects of capitalism, giving workers the voice and powers they need to maintain a humane lifestyle and say no in the face of adversity. The importance of diversity in these movements and unions allows for proof that the intersectionality of the working class struggle encompasses more than socially constructed identities. In fact, “bringing Marxism and intersectionality into conversation allows for the possibility of movements that are better equipped to address capitalism’s complexities.” 4 The Marxist framework is then necessary to challenge the economic power structures that underlie all forms of oppression.
Feminism
Feminism is considered a coalition because of its intersectionality. The term intersectional feminism was first coined by Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989. 5 She described intersectionality as “[a] prism for seeing the way in which various forms of inequality often operate together and exacerbate each other.” 6 She first established this idea in her first article on the issue, “Demarlginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex”—it responds to black women’s struggles as employees at General Motors, where they were allowed to allege discrimination on race based and gender based claims but not both7. This article shows how lack of intersectionality in the feminist coalition can create issues in the workplace. Intersectionality highlights how gender is just one identity marker for feminists; though this identity marker unites women and created the feminism movement, to protect all women—different elements of their identity need to be addressed as well. The patriarchy requires other power systems (besides just sexism) to operate, such as racism, ableism and homophobia. This makes it crucial to dismantle these other systems to dismantle feminism at all. Therefore, the only way to effectively undermine the oppressive force of feminism is through coalition building across seemingly separate groups of race, class, gender, sexuality and other divides.
The feminist movement comes in three waves. As just a brief overview, first wave feminism consisted of suffragists in the 19th century and early 20th century who fought for the right to vote. Second wave feminism took place from the 1960s to the 1990s. This period ran through the same time as anti war and civil rights movements, dominant issues for the feminist movement at this time consisted of sexuality and reproductive rights. Third wave feminism started in the mid 1990s. Third wave feminism celebrated ambiguity and refused to adopt “us versus them” ideology. Most third-wavers rejected the very word “feminists” because they found it limiting and exclusionary. 8


The images above compare the original Rosie the Riveter with a modern representation of ethnically diverse Rosies, comparing recognition of the diversity in the feminist coalition from now and then. 9 10
The Rosie the Riveter Campaign expresses the lack of intersectionality of feminism in the first and second waves. “Rosie the Riveter” was a campaign aimed at recruiting women to join the workforce during WW2. At the time, most manual labor jobs, previously coveted by men, had been left unfilled because of the draft. In order to fill these jobs and have a substantial defense committee, the U.S. government considered it a patriotic duty for women to step up into roles previously held only by men. 11 The Rosie the Riveter campaign was extremely effective and, while this campaign was organized to have women participate in the workforce temporarily, its effects can still be seen today. Rosie the Riveter is considered to be a very empowering symbol for women; however, there is something to be said about this image featuring a conventionally attractive white woman, who is clearly promoting a pro-state agenda. The representation above featuring a “Multicultural Spin on Rosie the Riveter” created by USC students shows the diverse representations of Rosie the Riveter that have emerged in the third wave and are still emerging today in the fourth wave of feminism. Having more diverse Rosie the Riveter interpretations shows how the feminist movement required the work of many sub-groups. These groups represented in the modern Rosie the Riveter representation, compared to the original, signify the process of how the feminist coalition has grown and diversified in every wave.
Postcolonial Approach
When approaching the keyword coalition, it is additionally important to understand its meaning and usage to dismantle the legacies of colonialism, sparking movements and enabling change. Postcolonialism is defined as the field of study concerned with the critical analysis of the ideological impact of Western imperialism and its continuing influence. 12 Through this framework, coalitions can be analyzed through their formations when faced with racial injustices, from South African apartheid to the Civil Rights movement in the United States. Race, as a social construct designed to create a hierarchy of divisions in society, is directly challenged by the device of multiracial coalitions, which demonstrate how different historical groups of people can work together towards a common goal in the pursuit of equality. It is important, however, for effective coalitions to be built to acknowledge the groups who have benefited from the system and the oppression of others; in turn, this constructively allows for marginalized voices and needs to be heard. The goal of coalitions through this framework is not to reproduce or perpetuate current oppressive conditions, but to create a space for new decolonial opportunities and alternatives and be able to push these new ideas forward as a united front. If race is “not reducible to ethnicity, class, or nation; that racial categorization shifts and changes over time; and that the state is a preeminent site of racial struggle,” 13 then coalition is essential because no one group can resist the produced fluid nature of racial hierarchies on its own. It is because the structures of race are a moving target that coalitions are needed to adapt and redefine political identities.

The Freedom Riders movement exemplifies the use of coalitions as a means to challenge the legacies of imperialism. The Freedom Riders, a movement starting in 1961 and continuing in subsequent years, exemplifies a multiracial coalition aiming to challenge the racially oppressive structures of the United States. Led primarily by the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), the Freedom Rides challenged racial segregation in interstate transport following the Supreme Court’s ruling in Boynton v. Virginia, which prohibited such practices. 15 Freedom Riders boarded interstate buses from Washington, D.C. to the South, and were met with resistance, particularly in Alabama, by violent white mobs. This thus defies the assumption that African-Americans would be safe when traveling, illustrating the persistence of racism in America despite the media’s portrayal of the situation. Nevertheless, through a multiracial coalition, black and white activists were able to draw attention to the ongoing racial violence and resistance that persisted in the South of the U.S., putting aside racial differences to pursue a shared goal. The photograph above captures the Freedom Riders and emphasizes their diversity, complicating the norms of racial hierarchies through a coalition that was perceived as rare or taboo at the time. Through the participation of non-African-American activists, the issue of civil rights spread further than being a “black” issue, despite being labelled as such by the media. The recognition of any violation of human rights as a violation of one’s freedom, regardless of race, rejects normative colonial ideas and paves the way for progress. The subsequent success of the Freedom Rides, by drawing attention to the civil rights movement and by leading to the abolition of the segregation of interstate travel, stems from the use of a coalition as a means to provoke change.
Political Approach
Political coalitions are formed by different identity groups coming together to vote for the same candidate with the goal of getting their preferred candidate in office. The primary identities we will be talking about are racial identities in terms of political coalitions that form from two or more racial or ethnic groups. 16 Racial and ethnic groups have similar motivations in elections because, historically, it was found that “groups who were once excluded from positions of power were more likely to gain access to power by working together” 17 Endorsements from leaders or public elites are a large way in which certain racial or ethnic groups know who to vote for as a coalition. Whether or not these ethnic groups feel they share traits with the endorsers will determine if the endorsements will be more persuasive. 18 In the case of Black and Latino voters, endorsements from Black or Latino elites, “have the potential to provide the voters with information about the coalition and tell voters which candidate has agreed to help their racial or ethnic group in this particular election.” 19 This is explained in the Co-Ethnic Cues Theory which is, “when partisan cues are absent and race/ethnicity is salient in an election. Co-ethnic endorsements should prompt the minority group members to vote for that candidate, even if that candidate is from another ethnic group.” 20
This being said, minority groups ultimately are looking to people of their own race or ethnicity to direct them towards whom to vote for. Black and Latino voters will overwhelmingly support the candidate responding to their respective racial ethnic group, regardless of endorsements (co-ethnic voting); however, “if there is one White candidate and one Latino candidate, I expect the Black vote will be determined largely by Black leader/organization endorsements,” says Andrea Benjamin. 21
Racial coalitions come with the complexity of separate racial and ethnic groups wanting to present as a united front and support their own co-racial or co-ethnic candidates. However, in cities that have become increasingly diverse, it is now clear that, for racial or ethnic groups to gain power, they would need to work together in political coalitions. 22 For racial and ethnic coalitions to work. it is crucial that different groups have similar interests and ideology.
Recently, New Yorkers formed political coalitions to elect Mayor-Elect Zohran Mamdani. Below are videos depicting two different endorsements for Mayor Mamdani. The first being from Queen’s borough president, Donovan Richard Jr., and the second one being from the Bodega Association. These endorsements and the voting trends they caused (depicted in the NYT report below) show the co-ethnic cues theory. Whereas the Queen’s borough president was relevant for black voters, the Bodega Association was relevant for low-income voters. Mamdani managed to get a variety of endorsements for his campaign and, by doing so, created a political coalition. Political coalitions ensure that minority communities are supporting a candidate who supports them. Just like other forms of coalitions, these minority groups are stronger when united than when divided. As our country is becoming a majority-minority population, political candidates are putting more money, effort, and time into reaching voters of color. Certain candidates have policies that are more beneficial to a particular ethnic group, based on their racial or ethnic identity; however, for many candidates, different racial and ethnic groups see crossover in how they will assist people from various communities. This crossover starts coalitions, which eventually help candidates win elections.

This data showcases “How candidates fared with groups of voters” in the NYC Mayoral Election by precinct. Lower-income residents favored Zohran Mamdani (51% to 43%) as well as Black residents (61% to 35%). 23
Zohran Mamdani endorsed in NYC mayor’s race by Queens borough president 24
Zohran Mamdani endorsed by bodega association that previously attacked his policies 25
Coalitions Modern Day and in the Future
Modern coalitions are often formed with a focus on issue-based and ideologically aligned alliances, particularly in efforts to enact political, social, and cultural change. This signifies a shift from many historical coalitions, which were frequently organized around specific shared material conditions, institutional constraints, and/or collective opposition to systemic forces. Although coalitions today are working towards fostering greater diversity, we still recognize the tensions and polarization between coalitions, as well as modern-day inequality that leads to racial, economic, and social divides.
One particular example of this is the increasing polarization between political parties. Notably, the Democratic and Republican parties have undergone significant transformations over time, with their fundamental constitutions becoming more ideologically distinct. This provides a reflection of the broader trends in political polarization and tensions between coalitions.
Polarization and Tensions in Coalitions

This data graphic demonstrates how the Democratic and the Republican coalitions have become increasingly polarized over time. Particularly, it examines ideological polarization in relation to the political spectrum, measuring how consistently liberal or conservative each party is and where overlapping occurs. There is increasingly less ideological overlap throughout the years up to 2014. 26
The data displayed in this source emphasizes the increase in political polarization and tensions between political coalitions, demonstrating that not all coalitions are uniform or harmonious. The overall number of U.S. citizens who express consistently conservative or consistently liberal views has “doubled over the past two decades from 10% to 21%.” 27 The ideological thinking of each party has become more partisan, resulting in a decrease in the ideological overlap of Democrats and Republicans. Coalitions have become divided politically and in modern history, leading to tensions and dissonance within and between coalitions. The realization of this increasing homogeneity prompts us to assess how coalition building can be improved to instead promote diversity and individual complexity while maintaining unity, such as in multiracial and minority coalitions.
Commitments to Social Equality and Justice in Coalition Building
“Specifically, the foundation of the coalition I envision would be organizations committed to fighting social inequality. I have in mind various grassroots community organizations, civil rights groups, women’s rights groups, labor unions, and religious organizations, broadly representative of the various racial and ethnic groups and organized in interconnected local, regional, and national networks.”
– William Julius Wilson 28
A modern-day example of this change and commitment to social equality and diversity is through the efforts of culture centers in higher education. Culture centers play a vital role in coalition building, notably seen with Asian American and Black coalitions during the COVID-19 pandemic. In light of anti-Asian American violence due to the COVID-19 pandemic and movements like Black Lives Matter, culture centers worked to promote diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) initiatives and coalition-building aims on campuses. 29 Overall, culture centers provide a safe space for marginalized and excluded communities, as well as serve as educational spaces to spread understanding on cross-racial dynamics and multiracial identity. In a time when racial narratives and stereotypes are prevalent, organizations—including culture centers—play a vital role in actively striving for racial and social justice through coalition building.
Conclusion
In the scholarly publication The Other America: The Reality of White Working Class Views on Identity, Race and Immigration, authors Harris Beider and Kusminder Chahal consider the struggles of building cross-racial coalitions between the white working-class people and communities of color, particularly in the section “The Challenges of Cross-Racial Coalition Building.” When individuals of these groups were asked about examples where they have worked together, many were left at a loss for how to respond. Although some were working to bring these groups together, many of these efforts were at a preliminary stage, rather than palpable action. 30 This raises several important questions when it comes to coalitions and coalition building: How do people of different races and ethnicities, backgrounds, and experiences come together to build a coalition? How do we bridge the divide between communities and collectively build a future together?
We believe that these questions are still difficult to answer and that, as a society, we are still contending with the tensions and disparities that exist among individuals and communities. However, one vital step forward is to recognize the misconception that coalitions are homogeneous and unchanging. The assumption of uniformity leads to the neglect of individual interests and complexities that make up a coalition. By forcing unity and homogeneity, there arises the dangers of unequal power dynamics and disregard of individuals within and between coalitions. Therefore, it is essential to remember that a coalition can work to recognize individual interests while not sacrificing the integrity of its common objective.
One interviewee’s statement from Beider and Chahal’s publication strongly exemplifies this sentiment. While recognizing the disparities between these communities, this individual still advocate for efforts to build a community coalition and work together despite such differences:
“‘So, we’ve had to make some adaptations and acknowledgments that these people didn’t have the life we grew up with, they didn’t live here and the truth is they’re here now and we need them as much as anybody else to be a part of our community and participate. And they’re going to come a little bit our way; we’ve got to go a little bit their way to make that work, and anything less than that actually is unacceptable. The community is what it is and you’ve got to make it work; failure is not an option.’”
– Phoenix FG 31
Therefore, we emphasize acknowledging the diverse interests and perspectives of individuals to counter the dangers of homogeneity and imposed conformity. In doing so, we hope to foster a society where we can work civilly towards common goals and produce tangible, long-lasting outcomes.
Footnotes
- Mithani, Murad A., and Jonathan P. O’Brien. 2021. “So What Exactly Is a ‘Coalition’ Within an
Organization? A Review and Organizing Framework.” Journal of Management (Los
Angeles, CA) 47 (1): 171–206. https://doi.org/10.1177/0149206320950433.
↩︎ - “Marxism Definition & Meaning.” 2025. Merriam-Webster. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/Marxism. ↩︎
- “A Brief History of Unions.” n.d. Union Plus. Accessed November 23, 2025. https://www.unionplus.org/page/brief-history-unions. ↩︎
- Hannah Heinzekehr, “New Book Brings Intersectional, Marxist Traditions into Conversation,” News Feed, University of Notre Dame, January 14, 2020. https://kroc.nd.edu/news-events/news/new-book-brings-intersectional-marxist-traditions-into-conversation/ ↩︎
- Taylor, Liza. 2022. Feminism in Coalition: Thinking with US Women of Color Feminism. Duke University Press. ↩︎
- Taylor, Liza. ↩︎
- Taylor, Liza. ↩︎
- “A Brief History of Civil Rights in the United States: Feminism and Intersectionality.” Howard University. Accessed November 23, 2025. https://library.law.howard.edu/civilrightshistory/women/intersectionality. ↩︎
- J. Howard Miller, “We Can Do It!” 1942, Westinghouse Electric, Poster, https://www.nps.gov/rori/learn/historyculture/who-was-rosie-the-riveter.htm ↩︎
- Ilana Speigel, “We can do it!” 2016, University of Southern California, Poster https://www.usatoday.com/story/college/2017/01/04/this-usc-student-put-a-multicultural-spin-on-rosie-the-riveter/37426001/ ↩︎
- “Rosie the Riveter.” History, 23 Apr. 2010, www.history.com/articles/rosie-the-riveter. Accessed 23 Nov. 2025. ↩︎
- “Postcolonialism.” Oxford Reference. ; Accessed 24 Nov. 2025. https://www.oxfordreference.com/view/10.1093/oi/authority.20110803100339303. ↩︎
- Kandaswamy, Priya. “Gendering Racial Formation.” In Racial Formation in the Twenty-First Century, edited by Daniel Martinez HoSang, Oneka LaBennett, and Laura Pulido, 1st ed., 23–43. University of California Press, 2012. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctt1pn6cq.6. ↩︎
- “Civil Rights Movement — Images of a Peoples’ Movement.” CRM Vet.org. Accessed
November 9, 2025. https://www.crmvet.org/images/imgfr.htm. ↩︎ - Gregg L., Michel. 2022. “Freedom Rides” In EBSCO. https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/political-science/freedom-rides ↩︎
- Benjamin, Andrea. 2017. Racial Coalition Building in Local Elections: Elite Cues and Cross-Ethnic Voting. Cambridge EBA Collection. Cambridge University Press. ↩︎
- Benjamin, Andrea. ↩︎
- Benjamin, Andrea. ↩︎
- Benjamin, Andrea. ↩︎
- Benjamin, Andrea. ↩︎
- Benjamin, Andrea. ↩︎
- Benjamin, Andrea. ↩︎
- See the New York Neighborhoods That Swept Mamdani to Victory (New York), November 5, 2025. Accessed November 23, 2025. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2025/11/05/nyregion/nyc-mayor-election-results-mamdani-cuomo.html. ↩︎
- “Zohran Mamdani endorsed in NYC mayor’s race by Queens borough president.” Video, 00:42. Youtube. Accessed November 23, 2025. https://www.google.com/search?client=safari&rls=en&q=youtube+bibliography+noodletools&ie=UTF-8&oe=UTF-8. ↩︎
- “Zohran Mamdani endorsed by bodega association that previously attacked his policies.” Video, 03:17. Youtube. Accessed November 23, 2025. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=us_r9Lmh0ew. ↩︎
- Geiger, Abigail. 2014. “Political Polarization in the American Public.” Pew Research Center, June 12. https://www.pewresearch.org/politics/2014/06/12/political-polarization-in-the-american-public/. ↩︎
- Geiger, Abigail. ↩︎
- Wilson, William J. 1999. The Bridge over the Racial Divide: Rising Inequality and Coalition Politics. The Aaron Wildavsky Forum for Public Policy 2. University of California Press. ↩︎
- Gonzalez, Anna. 2022. “Creating Coalitions: Culture Centers, Anti-Asian Violence, and Black Lives Matter.” Journal of College and Character (Berlin) 23 (2): 180–87. https://doi.org/10.1080/2194587X.2022.2053294. ↩︎
- Harris Beider and Kusminder Chahal. 2020. “The Challenges of Cross-Racial Coalition Building.” In The Other America, 1st ed. Policy Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv13gvj4h.9. ↩︎
- Harris Beider and Kusminder Chahal. ↩︎
Bibliography
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Gonzalez, Anna. 2022. “Creating Coalitions: Culture Centers, Anti-Asian Violence, and Black Lives Matter.” Journal of College and Character (Berlin) 23 (2): 180–87. https://doi.org/10.1080/2194587X.2022.2053294.
Gregg L., Michel. 2022. “Freedom Rides” In EBSCO. https://www.ebsco.com/research-starters/political-science/freedom-rides
Hannah Heinzekehr, “New Book Brings Intersectional, Marxist Traditions into Conversation,” News Feed, University of Notre Dame, January 14, 2020. https://kroc.nd.edu/news-events/news/new-book-brings-intersectional-marxist-traditions-into-conversation/
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