The negotiation of land distribution and horizontal inequalities, direct causes of the conflict, meaningful transitional justice mechanisms, including prosecution of perpetrators, and indigenous territorial autonomy, was at best sidelined, at worst bluntly sacrificed, in order to lower resistance of the parties to the accords to sit at the negotiation table and sign the peace. Moreover, the process was undergirded by the framework of universal individual rights over and above social, economic and cultural rights, rights that would have gone some way towards addressing certain structural causes of violent conflict.Continue Reading →
[...] one might expect a debate over endings on matters of intergenerational impact, political deployments of history, and survivor health, access to power and wealth, in addition to legal proceedings for crimes with no statute of limitations, or the social impact of demographic change.
What is surprising is that even in terms of recognizing the termination of acts of mass violence, the debate is a minefield.Continue Reading →
The Darfur conflict arguably become more chaotic and less-intense since the initial outbreak of violence in 2003 and its height in 2003 and 2004. Even over the course of Jan 2008- July 2009, we see considerably decreases in the amount of lethal violence. Some one-time alliances had collapsed, raising serious concerns about the credibility of any agreement reached at the negotiating table.Continue Reading →
By Alex de Waal, Jens Meierhenrich, and Bridget Conley-Zilkic
This is an excerpt from the essay, published by the Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, Vol 35:3 (Winter 2011) and available in full on their website.
On October 20, 2011, the battered body of the deposed Libyan leader, Muammar Qaddafi, was paraded through the [...]Continue Reading →
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