Tag: LAC

By Yilan Batista

My research subject focuses on Sino-Mexican relations and how Chinese economic engagement with Mexico has shaped the everyday lives of Mexican citizens, and how diplomatic relations between the two nations have impacted Mexican society’s attitude toward China and the United States. The topic of Sino-Latin American relations has always held both significant academic and personal meaning to me, as a student of International Relations with Chinese and Cuban heritage.  

Before traveling to Mexico City, I was already engaged in self-study on Sino-Latin American relations. I am fascinated by the divergent narratives across the world on the nature of Chinese engagement with the Global South. On one hand, there is the official political narrative within China and many Latin American governments about mutually beneficial, non-exploitative engagement; there is also a more practical side of non-ideological economic engagement between Chinese and Latin American businesses; and finally, there is the political belief in the United States that China is seeking to expand its harmonic dominance across the Global South. I wanted to study this topic in Latin America itself to understand better how Mexican society actually perceives Sino-Mexican relations.  

Before embarking on the trip, I was already aware of how Mexico would be a special case study in Sino-Latin American relations. Chinese engagement with Latin America has long been impacted by great power competition between China and the United States. Mexico would then present a special case because of its unique interconnectedness with American politics and economics. My assumption was corroborated by the various professors that I interviewed. I learned that Mexico is unable to establish a free trade agreement with China due to a clause within NAFTA that prohibits members from engaging in free trade with non-market economies. I also learned that a lot of negative sentiment in Mexico toward Chinese investment and Sino-Mexican trade is influenced by pressure coming from Washington.  

 I also learned that there is not one single attitude in Mexico toward the idea of China as either a non-exploitative partner preferable to the US, or as an imperialist partner operating upon unequal power dynamics. Rather, Mexican sentiments toward China are constantly in flux and dependent on changing economic and cultural conditions. For example, in the early 21st century when China still exported largely low-technology products, Mexican society and workers felt much more negatively toward China due to greater competition between the two nations within the global economy. Now, this antagonism is not a major concern anymore. And while Mexican society held a deep racism against Chinese people in the 20th century, recent attempts at cultural diplomacy has lessened these prejudices. Nevertheless, tensions still persist, especially in relation to how Chinese imports destabilize local Mexican industries and how this impacts the livelihoods of ordinary Mexican citizens.  

 Perhaps one of the most interesting realizations that I gained from the professors that I interviewed is that Sino-Mexican relations is not heavily influenced by ideology. One would assume that the current Mexican administration under the leftist Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) would present a political rationale for collaborating with China; but my interviewers shared that AMLO is simply seeking to diversify Mexico’s economic relations as a whole.  

Overall, I came away from this trip with the knowledge that Sino-Mexican relations is defined by many different currents of thought. I hope to continue communication with Mexico’s cultural and professional experts on China, and to expand my study on Sino-Latin American nations to other countries in the region as well.  

  

By Ariadna Condezo Trinidad

The group representing the Latin American Committee (LAC) arrived in Mexico City on Monday May 20th. We have diverse research projects topics ranging from the revitalization of the Chinampas in Xochimilco to labor migration. My topic is about the role of civil society organizations in protecting and promoting freedom of the press in Mexico. According to Reporters Without Borders, Mexico is the most dangerous country without a declared war to be a journalist. In 2012, the government launched the Federal Mechanism for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders and Journalists —as a reaction to the demands by the civil society—; nevertheless, the mechanism has fallen short in ensuring their protection due to funding, staff shortage, and delays in processes. In order to collect information for my research project, I have been interviewing staff members of civil society organizations, such as Propuesta Cívica, a United Nations office in Mexico, Amnesty International, Article 19, and Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos. In my interviews with members from civil society organizations, I got to understand deeper the problem of freedom of expression of journalists, potential solutions, and the vital role that journalists play in the country.

Most of the violations of journalists’ human rights happen outside the capital. They take place in other states due to reports of journalists about corruption from government officials and organized crime. Without journalists reporting these cases, these situations would remain in the dark and the population would be unaware of the sociopolitical dynamics taking place in other parts of the country. Thus, journalist work is essential in Mexico. However, it comes with a lot of risks and challenges. Some of the challenges include that the job is not well remunerated and it is time consuming. The risks come when journalists are being threatened due to their work, disappearances, physical attacks, murder attempts, and ultimately homicides. Among the civil society organizations it is clear that the Federal Mechanism needs to be strengthened. Currently, the Federal Mechanism receives more cases than it can handle. It takes a lot of time to process cases and some organizations question the risk analysis the mechanism does in order to decide whether to provide protection to a journalist. The most extreme measure of the mechanism is the extraction of the journalist and sometimes the family from their place of residence to relocate them in another part of the country. Usually the chosen place for relocation is Mexico City as it is believed that there is less violence against journalists there than in other states. One thing the mechanism can improve is the monitoring of the families, especially in the psychological aspect. Relocating from your home comes with an emotional toll that is ignored by the mechanism. Families leave behind the future plans they had, their workplaces, the comfort of their house to seek safety. Some civil society organizations are committed to closing the gap in psychological attention by providing free resources and free therapy sessions with the families affected.

Another item that the mechanism does not address is the prevention of attacks on journalists. In the sphere, the civil society agrees that the government needs to create other organisms that are in charge of preventing the attacks. Adding a prevention measure to the current Federal Mechanism can play against journalists since it will require the mechanism to expand the resources they have in tackling more problems. This will lead to more problems and it will cause the mechanism to fail to tackle both the prevention and reaction measures. One interesting thing I learn from my conversations with leaders of civil society organizations is that there are some states that would like to create laws for the protection of journalists. However, there is a mistrust between local leaders and journalists since a lot of the attacks against journalists are originated by government officials. Thus, journalists do not trust any policy that local governments propose. Another point that is worth mentioning is how Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador’s administration has dealt with freedom of the press. AMLO’s administration has harshly criticized journalists that do not align with its policies labeling them as enemies. Furthermore, the administration targeted Article 19, an international organization with a presence in Mexico that defends freedom of expression, and accused them of wanting to impose the ideology in the country. After the accusation, the organization started receiving threats. A general concern among the civil society is that the civic spaces in the country have been closing down, not only in terms of press freedom but also in the matter of other human rights. They are unsure how this will develop in the following months as Mexico is currently undergoing presidential elections, but they hope the situation will get better.

by Dzheveira Karimova

The research trip to Mexico City was an immense success, both for my academic goals and personal growth. Throughout my stay, I was captivated by the city’s vibrant culture and the warmth of its people. The continuous friendliness, hospitality, and kindness we experienced—from the locals at the markets to the individuals I interviewed—were truly heartwarming.

My research centers on migration trends to Mexico City, examining its role as a crucial hub for refugees and migrants en route to the United States. Additionally, I investigate the resources available to these individuals and the contributions of the government, NGOs, and civil society in supporting them.

During my trip to Mexico City, I had the honor of interviewing esteemed professors, researchers, and activists at local universities. I am deeply grateful to Dr. Tigau, Professor Diaz, and Dr. Zavala de Cosío for meeting with me at the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM) and El Colegio de México. Our conversations were incredibly informative, shedding light on current migration trends, the growing impact of the city’s water crisis on migration attitudes, the effects of the CBP One application, and the influence of both Mexican presidential debates and the upcoming US elections on migration policies and trends.

Mexico City afforded me incredible opportunities to connect with esteemed professionals and inspiring individuals in the field of migration. After taking a chance and emailing the general address of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in Mexico, I was thrilled to receive a reply from Emilio Gonzalez, Senior Protection Assistant, and Alejandra Carillo, Head of the Mexico City Field Unit, regarding an interview. It was an honor to speak with such experts at the forefront of addressing migration issues in the city. Through our discussion, I gained valuable insights into recent migration from Venezuela, Central America, Haiti, and Afghanistan. Learning about UNHCR’s efforts in Mexico City, including their support for local organizations and advocacy within the government to increase awareness and support for migration challenges, was an extraordinary opportunity and is extremely valuable for my research.

The highlight of my research trip was visiting La Casa Tochan, the first migrant shelter in Mexico City. During my visit to this remarkable shelter, I had the privilege of interviewing Gabriela Hernández, the director and coordinator. Founded in 2011 due to the city’s lack of support for migrants, the shelter emerged from a collective effort by various organizations to provide accommodation and assistance when the government failed to do so. Gabriela shared insights into the growing migrant crisis in the city and the government’s inadequate response in opening new shelters to accommodate the increasing migrant and refugee population. We also discussed the shelter’s dynamics, with refugees arriving from Central America, Venezuela, Haiti, Afghanistan, Kurdistan, and China, and how the dedicated staff, including nurses, psychologists, and lawyers, manage to assist them despite language barriers. The visit to the shelter was truly inspiring. Conversations with Gabriela, the shelter staff, and volunteers were not only touching but also highly informative. Their dedication and perseverance in helping refugees in the city, despite the lack of funding and resources, is truly remarkable.

I am immensely grateful for the opportunity to conduct such vital research in Mexico City, and I am deeply thankful for this life-changing experience.

by Victor Vazquez

Chinampas are artificial islands that persisted in the Valley of Mexico for Millenia, the Aztecs came to the valley around the 13th to 14th century AD and mass produced chinampas to feed their empire. Chinampas were built by creating an underwater fence in a rectangular formation in a shallow lake area, and then filling the underwater fence with organic matter until it reached the desired height above the water level. These chinampas were used for intensive agriculture, with some 7 harvests per year at peak functionality. This form of agriculture persisted because of its high yield sustainable farming model. Fertile moist mud was brought from the bottom of the lake in order to reliably germinate seeds. The technique that the chinamperos (chinampa farmers) used to create nurseries was taking the mud and flattening it out in a 4in thick slab, the mud was cut into cubes and then they made a hole in the mud cube with their fingers and put the seed inside. This type of nursery is shown in the image below.

In order to get a better understanding of the current state of chinampas, I went to 2 organizations in Mexico City to look at the chinampas in Xochimilco. The 2 organizations were Olintalli and ChinampasXochimilco as shown in the images below. 

The main form of tourism that occurs in Xochimilco are the boat tours and party boats. The boat tours, which I chose, are informational tours that are meant to bring awareness to the problems happening in the chinampas of Xochimilco. The money is used to support the chinamperos that still farm on the chinampas and make a living from it. The party boats on the other hand are another issue that the chinampas face, since the tourists litter the water with plastic bottles and other toxic trash. The tourism allows money to flow within Xochimilco, but comes at an environmental cost, with a solution being difficult since money is necessary to build more traditional nurseries and other water treatment structures within Xochimilco, as well as food, since only a fraction of the chinampas available are used for food production. The image below shows an illegal settlement with trash and decreased water level.

Some of the problems that Marco Polo Tellez Orozco (president of Olintalli) and Sara Sandoval mentioned were that many of the chinampas are being abandoned by the chinamperos in favor of moving to Mexico City or migrating to the US for a better life. This has led to illegal land selling, since proving ownership of the chinampas is next to impossible unless it has been passed down from prior generations of chinamperos. Also, many illegal structures are being built on the chinampas for families in need of shelter or for companies that want to capitalize on the tourism within the canals of the chinampas. The main problems that the chinampas in Xochimilco face is the lack of and quality of water. At one point in the 1900’s, the Mexican government permitted the release of sewage into the canals in an attempt to maintain the water levels. Sara told me that there are also dams built in order to keep the water level high in the touristy spots, which leads other canals and chinampas to suffer with a lack of water. Without a sufficient water level, the roots of the ahuejote trees that border the chinampas are exposed, which leads to strain on the plant and an inevitable death. The image below shows how much the water levels have decreased in this area, with the top of the underwater fence showing.

To combat these issues, both Marco and Sara are involved in going back to the traditional farming methods that were employed by the indigenous people of Xochimilco. The traditional mud nurseries with the straw ground cover in order to retain the moisture in the ground. They are growing different varieties of lettuce, kale, corn, garlic, beets, peppermint, sunflower, and other types of vegetables and flowers. All of the excess organic matter is put into a compost heap where it is then used for the next succession of plants. In the ChinampasXochimilco chinampas, some of the organic matter was put into a black plastic bag, where the gas from the decaying matter was used to cook food using gas pipes and valves. There were also water filtration holes that used a plastic sheet with water lilies as the biofiltering plant and the clean water would be used for irrigation as opposed to directly from the main canals, since the water quality is poor. Both the Olintalli and ChinampasXochimilco chinampas had biofilters installed from UNAM, which is the largest public university in Mexico. The little canal that had the biofilters had clear water, as shown in this image below. 

Going to the chinampas in person was amazing, with the beautiful views, flowers, and colorful boats. The chinampas themselves were beautiful and had weeds and flowers interwoven throughout the land. The organizations created sustainable structures for living and cooking which shows how well they can adapt to the ever increasing urbanization of Mexico City. As long as there are people who care about the chinampas and the value they hold culturally and agriculturally, the chinampas can slowly make a comeback from the disturbed water table and pollution from Mexico City and regain some semblance of its former glory. 

By Gabriela Perez

My parents are disconnected from their indigenous roots, but the trips to my parents’ childhood homes and seeing my grandparents’ and great grandparents’ portraits make our indigenous roots undeniable. I find it greatly important to preserve pre-Hispanic ancestry, especially because I am so disconnected. That is why when I saw that LAC was going to Mexico City (CDMX) for personal investigations, I leaped at the opportunity. 

Mexico City is the largest city in North America, so I knew it would be a hub of resources and information that could kickstart my investigations. Although CDMX is not the region with the largest Mexican indigenous population presence (which would be Oaxaca and Yucatán), there is an astonishing presence of indigenous cultures in and around the city. There are 55 indigenous languages spoken in the city alone. 

When comparing the prevalence of indigenous culture in Mexico to the United States, I sat in awe at the difference in the preservation of languages, with 68 live indigenous Mexican language groups which consist of over 300 distinct linguistic variants. This is especially critical when considering how vital language is to culture. I felt an immense need to understand the reasons behind this wonderful preservation of languages and what makes Mexico stand out in such a unique manner. I was particularly interested in understanding the role of institutions with the preservation and attitudes from indigenous and non indigenous individuals towards indigenous cultures. 

I spoke with a professor who works in the indigenous education department at the National Pedagogical University (UPN) in CDMX to gather more insight on what space indigeneity holds in Mexico. UPN is a university that dedicates itself to teaching others how to teach. The indigenous education department, in particular, works towards creating a space/context where others feel compelled to speak the language. She explained to me that this program is not linguistically focused but rather keen on getting the indigenous languages “out there” because the prevalence of the languages is in a state of emergency. More work has been done to maintain tangible indigenous cultural manifestations such as embroidery than intangible manifestations such as language because it can be commercialized. So, more work still has to be done to preserve indigenous intangible culture and to gain more support from institutions such as the university and government. I will continue talking to individuals from other institutions such as the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) and National Institute of Indigenous Peoples (INPI) to gather a fuller idea of the situation of indigenous cultural preservation efforts in and around Mexico City.   

Learning about the place indigenous presence holds in a pluricultural country like Mexico has taught me how important it is to maintain a sense of self regardless of the more dominant society it may preside in. It also highlights the importance of making space for one’s culture.   

By Miguel Villanucci

Understanding the complexities of Mexico’s population trends, cultural richness,  community behaviors, and ultimately the answer to my research would undoubtedly take a lifetime. However, a week was enough for me to realize that the key to all these aspects lies in Mexico’s diversity. My research focuses on the effects of the Maya Train on the upcoming presidential elections in Mexico, a project that has sparked varied opinions due to its prominence in the current presidency’s agenda. The Maya Train aims to build a railway in southeastern Mexico to connect cities and boost tourism, creating job opportunities in underdeveloped regions. However, opponents argue it will lead to more underdevelopment through deforestation and exacerbate income inequalities. Engaging in this research has been challenging from the beginning until the end, but in my opinion, it was more than worth it, as having the opportunity to communicate with many professionals and academic people regarding my topic was a life-changing experience that I will cherish forever. 

The challenge of this study started at the moment of choosing the topic, especially because this was a very controversial one, and many people did not want to be mentioned in this paper. We are talking about NGOs that promote sustainability in the region, important professors who went against the train in the past, and politicians as well. Many of them warned me about the dangers of getting involved in this topic two weeks before the next presidential and congress elections, which made me hesitate about the feasibility of doing this research. Nonetheless, I believed the best way to understand a culture was through their opinions on impactful and controversial projects, so I took the challenge of finding people willing to share their opinions. Some explained that speaking against the project had previously jeopardized their NGOs’ opportunities, while others noted a significant decrease in available information about the project, making them more willing to participate. I am profoundly grateful to those who trusted me with their information anonymously, warned me of the risks, and those professionals who shared their opinions regardless of potential consequences for the sake of education. 

It is important to mention that my research does not critique the Maya train project. Instead, it aims to understand the perspectives of Mexico’s population. That is why my interviews focused on people who represented the opposition to the project, as I wanted to find which part of the population represented the opposition. Before coming to Mexico I thought that we could generalize the opinions of the different states, cities, and regions to some extent. However, Mexico’s diversity and critical thinking mean everyone has unique perspectives. For example, policymakers cannot generalize policies as benefiting “indigenous communities” or “the poor population” because these groups have numerous subdivisions. This realization shifted my research to ensure we capture opinions within each subdivision accurately, avoiding biased generalizations about who supports or opposes the project. This also motivated me to seek out supporters of the project to avoid generalization. 

Determining who supports what remains an ongoing investigation, aiming to discern whether people prioritize sustainability or development, the primary arguments for and against the project. In my opinion, everyone has valid points, but what does the majority think? This research has been a continuous learning experience. Above all, Mexico has instilled in me a profound sense of critical thinking and taught me the importance of not generalizing community opinions based on preconceived notions or news reports.