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Assessing Germany’s Feminist Foreign Policy Approach to Conflict-Related Sexual Violence

​Assessing Germany’s Feminist Foreign Policy Approach to Conflict-Related Sexual Violence

By: Antonia Baskakov

Almost two years ago, Germany joined the ranks of countries that pursue a feminist foreign policy. Its launch came amid a multitude of crises whose enduring consequences have disproportionately affected women and other marginalized groups. These individuals have faced challenges such as displacement, food insecurity, increased risk of human trafficking, disrupted access to healthcare services, and conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV). Germany’s feminist foreign policy aims to address these imbalances through advocating for equal representation, rights, and resources for all. While it encompasses topics ranging from humanitarian assistance to climate change, this analysis will focus specifically on its approach to CRSV. Although the German strategy makes notable efforts to conceptualize CRSV as a threat to peace and security and utilizes inclusive language, these efforts are insufficient without being paired with meaningful action. The strategy risks presenting a façade of feminist action while continuing policies that contradict the feminist ideals it purports to uphold, particularly with respect to arms exports and their contribution to conflict. Thus, it is critical to scrutinize both the language and the actions underlying Germany’s feminist foreign policy, ensuring they align with its stated commitment to gender justice and human rights and prioritize the participation of survivors and civil society actors in designing, implementing, and evaluating CRSV-related policies.

CRSV as a Threat to Peace and Security

The integration of CRSV into the first guideline of the strategy, which focuses on peace and security, reflects Germany’s prioritization of the issue within its foreign policy and its view of CRSV as not only a humanitarian issue. The guideline, which includes the statement that “[w]e combat sexual and gender-based violence in armed conflicts,” acknowledges the interconnectedness between CRSV and other forms of insecurity. This link aligns with both research indicating that how well women and other marginalized groups are treated is a key predictor of state stability and the explicit acknowledgment of CRSV as a threat to international peace and security in United Nations Security Council Resolution 1820 (2008). The first guideline also indicates that Germany pursues gender-sensitive arms control, taking “into account the risk of the arms being used for serious acts of sexual and gender-based violence” in the evaluation of arms export applications. This emphasis underscores Germany’s recognition of CRSV not only as a moral imperative but also as a key component of fostering sustainable peace and security on a global scale.

However, there is room for improvement in addressing CRSV through a peace and security lens. The feminist foreign policy strategy’s effectiveness hinges on addressing the root causes of CRSV, which arms exports may exacerbate by fueling militarized environments where power imbalances and gender-based violence thrive. Arms often end up in the hands of actors who exploit them to perpetuate violence, including CRSV, in conflict zones. Root causes include “invisible drivers” such as structural gender inequality and deeply entrenched concepts of masculinities. If the system continues to perpetuate militarized approaches without taking into account their human cost, labeling such policies as feminist contradicts feminist principles. Germany needs to invest in comprehensive strategies that tackle these systemic issues, such as promoting gender equality in post-conflict settings.

Firstly, to effectively combat CRSV, gender-sensitive risk assessments for arms exports should be mandatory and integrated into a system with clear consequences and thresholds for when exports should be denied. Secondly, at a broader level, the German government should also take steps to reduce arms exports in the long term, especially given Germany’s obligation under the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) to cease arms transfers when there is awareness of their potential use in committing international crimes. Germany must critically reflect on its responsibility in contributing to conflict through arms exports, particularly under the umbrella of feminist foreign policy. While feminist foreign policy aims to champion peace and equity, it risks being perceived as pinkwashing when actions, such as continued arms exports to Israel despite UN evidence of potential war crimes, contradict its principles. The mere suspicion of such misuse should prompt stricter scrutiny and restraint. Germany’s commitment to feminist foreign policy must extend to addressing these contradictions to ensure that its policies consistently uphold feminist ideals and prioritize human rights. Concrete action may include establishing a focus group of feminist activists. This group could provide actionable recommendations to ensure compliance with the ATT and explore the tension between reducing risks for necessary but limited arms exports, such as to Ukraine, and the incompatibility of arms exports with feminist foreign policy. 

CRSV affects … not just women

Germany’s feminist foreign policy strategy stresses that “[t]hose affected are particularly often women and girls, but also include men and boys; LGBTQI+ individuals are also specifically targeted.” This language acknowledges the reality that men are also victims of CRSV, reflecting the evolving nature of the Women, Peace, and Security-Agenda, a key pillar of Germany’s foreign policy. Germany’s inclusive approach reflects a more nuanced understanding of CRSV, recognizing the need to acknowledge and allocate resources to those affected in a particular setting, regardless of gender identity. 

Nevertheless, inclusive language alone is not enough; it must be complemented by inclusive action. The feminist foreign policy strategy prioritizes the participation of civil society and affected individuals in shaping policies, programs, and interventions related to CRSV, but this aspect could be further reinforced within the CRSV section of the first guideline. While the guideline emphasizes accountability and justice for victims of CRSV, formally adopting a participatory and survivor-centered approach would place survivors at the forefront of the response. An example for this is the Murad Code, a global code of conduct developed jointly by civil society actors and survivors. It aims to ensure that efforts to investigate, document, and record survivors’ experiences are conducted in a safe, ethical, and effective manner that respects their human rights. Integrating such survivor-driven frameworks into Germany’s feminist foreign policy strategy would represent a crucial step in aligning inclusive language with inclusive actions.

From Symbolism to Substance: Confronting Contradictions in Germany’s Feminist Foreign Policy

Germany’s feminist foreign policy strategy highlights a list of concrete projects that it has implemented. It therefore has been able to align some of its rhetoric with actions, exemplified by initiatives like allocating 1.5 million euros to combat CRSV and support the UN Human Rights Monitoring Mission in Ukraine since 2022. However, the small fraction of the foreign ministry’s 7.1 billion euro budget in 2022 dedicated to such efforts emphasizes the need for significantly more funding to fully realize their potential – and of the promise of feminist foreign policy. 

Germany must avoid resting on symbolic achievements and instead critically address the contradictions within its strategy. While the use of inclusive language and the prioritization of CRSV as a peace and security concern are commendable, these efforts must be supported by meaningful systemic changes. Moving forward, Germany must resolve the inherent tensions in its approach, such as reconciling its feminist ideals with continued arms exports. This involves adopting mandatory gender-sensitive risk assessments, increasing funding for survivor-centered initiatives, and embedding participatory frameworks like the Murad Code into its policies. By committing to these changes, Germany can ensure that its feminist foreign policy moves beyond rhetoric and becomes a credible, impactful force in combating CRSV globally.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Antonia Baskakov is a graduate candidate in the Master of Science in Foreign Service (MSFS) program at Georgetown University. Before joining MSFS, Antonia spearheaded the work on feminist development policy at the ONE Campaign, an international NGO fighting extreme poverty. Prior to joining ONE, she was the Strategic Advisor to the Executive Director of the Centre for Feminist Foreign Policy. She has worked in a variety of human rights-related fields, including legal research at Berkeley Law School and Stanford Law School for Professor Dr. Beth Van Schaack, the current U.S. Ambassador-at-Large for Global Criminal Justice. She served as the Europe Youth Envoy for the United Nations’ ITU and is also a regular contributor to different news outlets writing about foreign-, security-, development-, and digital policy from a feminist perspective. Antonia is also the Co-Founder and Co-Executive Director of the Women in Foreign Affairs Network, a transatlantic intergenerational network and mentorship program with prominent leaders in foreign affairs, spanning over 22 countries and 5 continents.

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